Robert Beheathland was born about 1592 at St. Endellion in County Cornwall, England.
Too often genealogists get lost in the details of birthdates, marriage dates, death dates, and when and where wills were proven. They forget that the people who they so carefully document were just that – people. Individuals with personalities, dreams, hopes, ambitions – and fears. People with families dependent upon them, or hopes for them, or both. We too often get so sidelined by the facts that we neglect to step back and look carefully at the world these people lived in. We neglect to ask ourselves what motivated them to become who they became; to live as they lived, and to die where, when and how they died.
Before we go into the details of the life and death of my earliest ancestor on American soil; Robert Beheathland, I’d like to take a step back and consider some aspects of his world. Moreover, I’d like to consider what in the world could possibly have motivated him in 1607, to put himself on a sixty-foot long, wooden sailing vessel, bound on a voyage to cross the Atlantic Ocean, destined for a wild, uncivilized place that didn’t even have a name yet; i.e. Jamestown.
England in the early seventeenth century was, contrary to our modern interpretation, not a terribly romantic place in which to live. While it’s true that this period (or shortly before it) is considered the “Golden Age”, we should keep in mind that everything that glitters is not gold. There were perhaps a few thousand people in all of England, Ireland, and Wales who could be considered truly wealthy and powerful. Among them, a few hundred perhaps, who were generally independent men. The rest, millions of people throughout the country were “subjects”. “Subject” to corrupt courts, corrupt landlords, and corrupt aristocrats – “subject” to a system corrupt and rotten from the core to the skin.
Even among the wealthy and powerful, survival was tenuous. Political intrigues and backhanded maneuvers by upstarts and competitors often resulted in a total reversal of fortune. If the fall from grace (grace of the sovereign, grace of a sponsor, grace of a landlord, or employer) was severe enough, you could find yourself homeless, in jail, or headless. Occasionally all three in quick succession, as Sir Walter Raleigh found out not long after his beloved sponsor Queen Elizabeth I died, leaving her throne to the less benevolent James I (IV) of Scotland.
At court in London there were political intrigues. Plots against the crown or against favorites at court. There were spies and spy watchers, and an endless amount of suspicion and rumor against any and all.
There were religious persecutions too. Under Henry VIII, all Catholics were exiled or killed, their property and lands confiscated and redistributed. Under Elizabeth I, Henry’s daughter, it still wasn’t healthy to be a Catholic, but it was even worse to be a non-conformist. Under James I religious tolerance was encouraged from the throne, but the Church of England didn’t go along. A schism began to develop right at the tip-top of the head of power. The end result of this schism was the English Civil War in which the King (Charles I) was executed by the non-conformist Oliver Cromwell and Parliament took over England. England fell into factions and rebelled – violently.
This was a difficult time to be a person of conviction and courage. The political and social winds changed direction so schizophrenically and with a force so deadly, that it was impossible to know where to stand – lest you be blown over or mowed down.
If all this violence and intrigue was not enough, then consider the economics of life in England at the time. This period (late Elizabethan through the Jacobean) introduces to Europe the first real whiff of Capitalism and economic competition. Pre-Renaissance England, like most of Europe, had been entirely feudal. The greatest majority of the people lived on the land; land owned by a feudal lord who in turn was loyal to a greater lord or a prince or king. The people worked the land collectively and were guaranteed employment for life, a home of reasonable quality in which to live, and protection from enemies, criminals or invaders. All this in exchange for their labor.
With the rise of international trade, sovereign debt, competition at court, religious conflict, “professional” lawyers who advised the nobility and the King – and the introduction of the concept of Capitalism – things got much more complicated.
The result by the end of the sixteen century was that most of the “common lands” that had been farmed cooperatively by the tenants of nobles were closed, fenced off, sold, or confiscated – the tenants were turned out to fend for themselves. With nowhere to go and no skills other than farming, they were lost – completely destitute. The cities began to fill up with beggars, sharpers, drifters, and all variety of vagrants. These people formed the first great underclass of the great English city of London.
Between 1500 and 1600 London’s population increased from 60,000 to 225,000 as a result of these social and legal changes, as well as migration of immigrants from Europe suffering under the same sweep of social shift. By 1660 the population of London was 460,000 souls. One in ten Englishmen lived in the city. This was a complete reversal of the demography from just two centuries earlier.
We can hardly imagine what a walled city of half a million souls must have been like. A city with no sanitation services, no running water, no toilets or waste water disposal, no internal running water all. Nor did they have building codes, zoning restrictions, fire codes, hospitals, a police force or emergency services of any sort. The place was a teeming, seething, reeking, den of chaos in which just about anything could and did occur without warning. Food shortages were common. Inflation was rampant. Employment in anything legal was the exception rather than the norm. Lack of sanitation, deprivation, sickness, and disease kept the life expectancy to about thirty-five years old.
Cholera was a favorite friend, as was typhus. The bubonic plague made several visits and in 1665 did its part to lower the over-crowding problem by wiping out 20% of London’s population (estimated at 100,000 people in less than one year.) When the plague was done, the Great London Fire of 1666 destroyed much of the city, especially the poorly constructed slums and suburbs where immigrants and new arrivals were forced to live.
There was no FEMA to come to anyone’s aid. People were forced to live out of doors. They got sick. The sick died. The dead often lay in the streets for days before being dragged off by dogs or hauled to mass graves on the edge of town. It was truly a hellish existence for the greatest swath of society. Not a romantic period at all.
This is a place that most people – if they could have – would have left. Even if it meant crossing an ocean and landing in a wilderness to do it.
But Robert Beheathland did not live in London, so far as we know. At the time of the first Jamestown voyage, he was probably just a boy of fifteen years old living on the far western coast of England. His home, St. Endellion in County Cornwall, is literally as far west from London as you can get without going for a swim in the Atlantic Ocean. In the seventeenth century it was a rural, under-populated countryside that offered physical distance from the plagues of the city, and a good, healthy, fresh air life to its inhabitants. On face value it would seem incredible that someone from a place as peaceful and safe as St. Endellion would chose to risk life and limb to go to Virginia.
We have to look hard at the reach of social upheaval and the economics of 17th century England to understand such a decision.
First; Cornwall was still staunchly Catholic in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. Landed gentry and noble families who had escaped the persecutions of a century earlier still clung (usually secretly) to their Catholic faith in Cornwall; but that holding on was tenuous at best. A Catholic that came to the attention of the authorities (whether by his own actions or that of a competitor) could be exiled, jailed, have his lands seized, lose his life, or perhaps all of the above.
One way a family ensured its survival was by sending its children out of the country. It was an early form of spreading the risk.
There is excellent archeological evidence from Jamestown that there were practicing Catholics among the earliest colonists. What’s more, early promoters of colonization openly stated that they believed “planting colonies” was a preferred way of getting rid of undesirables in England; from criminals and vagrants to political enemies to religious divergent’s like Catholics.
Next; We know that risk and debt often played a big role in a family’s decisions regarding participation in capital ventures. It was not uncommon at all for rural landowners of this period (more common among so-called “Gentlemen”, semi-noble and noble families than yeomen) to get into significant debt by over-extravagant living. The nobility were often land-rich and cash-poor, which made it difficult to live “up to” their position in society without going into significant debt.
The solution to this (and it was an often ruinous solution) was to participate in a “capital” venture that promised tremendous rewards – if it paid off. The Jamestown adventure was just such a capital risk. This was not a government sponsored operation. It was a privately funded venture; no different from a high-tech start-up today. The “adventurers” were the early investors. They either invested cash to fund the start-up, or they invested flesh and blood. Some landowners who wanted to get rid of their tenants put them on boats to the colonies. Some, seeking greater returns, sent family abroad. 
Captain John Smith in his reports back to the Virginia Company complained bitterly about the over-abundance of “Gentlemen” among the first colonists, and not enough people with the skills, knowledge, and willingness to do the real, difficult, physical work required to carve a functional, self-sufficient community out of the raw wilderness of Virginia.
Robert Beheathland was listed among the first planting of colonists at Jamestown as just such a soft-handed “gentleman.”
Finally; Robert Beheathland was the youngest of four sons. That was a terrible thing to be in seventeenth century in England. Every good landed family needed a male heir to take over the property. It needed a “spare” in case the eldest died early. This second son was usually educated in the law so that he could assist his older brother in the management of the estate, keep the family on solid financial and legal footing, while also earning a living in the courts or on the bench. If there was a third son, he was trained for the clergy or sent into the Army or Navy to seek his fortune on his own wits. (Good situations in either of these professions could be purchased at an affordable price.)
Fourth, fifth, or later sons – they were simply out of luck. After establishing the third son, most families were out of funds to purchase good positions in professional society, pay for education, or support the spare children beyond their most basic needs (certainly not enough to marry, have a home, or start a family.) Robert was simply unfortunate in regard to the order of his birth. He didn’t even have the benefit of being a lowly yeoman farmer’s son; a boy who would have been raised knowing the generalities of everything from farming and livestock management, to building, to carpentry, to blacksmithing. He had few skills and no money. His prospects for making his own way would have been extremely difficult.
The venture offered by the Virginia Company provided Robert’s father a potential means to make some quick money while disposing of an unwanted expense – if things worked out right. If they didn’t then his loss, in the cold hard economics of 17th century life, would be no real loss at all.
Given the time that’s passed between Robert Beheathland’s time and our own, we can’t know which of these possibilities put Robert Beheathland on the boat that left Blackwall in late December 1606. What we can know with a certain level of confidence is that it probably was not his idea, and he probably wasn’t happy about it. He probably did know that he had no other prospect, so – like many others who followed him in the decades and centuries to come – he put his head down and made himself determined to make the most of it.
The voyage wasn’t an easy one. Before they were even twenty miles off the coast of Devon the weather turned, preventing them from sailing west. The three ships; the Susan Constant, the Discovery, and the Godspeed, languished off the coast of England for nearly a month. Burning through their stores of fresh water and food, freezing and drenched, the colonists broke out early into bitter regrets. There was lots of whining and complaining – followed by the early death of one of the passengers. It didn’t bode well.
But there were even greater complications than this. This collection of would-be colonists, sailors, adventurers, and officers was a microcosm of 17th century English society; all trapped together on board three tiny vessels. The people languished without anything to distract them over a many months long voyage, without enough food, clean water or privacy. All ranks of society living on the turbulent seas cheek by jowl. It would have been impossible for difficulties not to break out.
The most dramatic event that occurred was a power struggle which threatened the lives and futures of every member of the crew and passengers.
Christopher Newport was the Captain of the Susan Constant, the flagship of the little fleet. He also served as commandant of the overall voyage; until the colonists were safely planted in Virginia and a governor could be selected according to Virginia Company orders. On the high seas, his position was one of absolute authority. He had the power of arrest, and even the authority to execute someone if the offense was serious enough (like mutiny, for example.)
Another important person on the voyage was Captain John Smith. Smith was already a legend in England, well-known for his exploits from Turkey to Russia, to his mercenary battles against Spain. His career was renowned and he was his own biggest promoter. He was headstrong. He was smart. And – to his detriment with the elite on board the ship – he didn’t subscribe to the classic English practice of deferring to his social “betters”. He believed in ability and accomplishment before birth and title, and he let everyone know it.
Smith was born to a yeoman farmer father in a remote part of England. He left home at sixteen years old and went to sea. Over the course of a thirty-year career he made himself into one of the world’s greatest adventurers, survivors, and professional “explorers”. He was a geographer, a map maker, a writer, and even a bit of a poet. He’d been all over the world and survived to tell it. It was his experience in expeditions just like this one that got John Smith involved with the Virginia Company. They needed his experience, his bravery, and his wits to make a go of it. He was one of the few men in the kingdom with the skills and the experience to make a venture like this one succeed. He was recruited by the founders of the Company (among them his biggest fan, Richard Hakluyt) to join the venture and take a leading role in its direction.
Christopher Newport wasn’t John Smith’s biggest fan. Newport was made Master of the Royal Navy in 1606, just before his jaunt to Jamestown. Prior to this Royal appointment, he’d made a fortune for himself as well as others acting as a privateer; seizing Spanish treasure ships making the dangerous crossing from Central America back to Spain laden with tons of gold and silver. His successes were just as well documented as Smith’s and his swashbuckling reputation was further buoyed by his immense wealth (the one advantage that Smith lacked.)
There was not enough room in all of the Atlantic Ocean for these two men’s egos.
In the short run Newport won the dangerous game. John Smith was placed under arrest on charges of mutiny. He was put in chains in the ships hold until Newport could determine what to do with him. Whether these charges were legitimate or trumped-up, it’s difficult to know, but given the accusation that Smith intended to murder his superiors (Newport, et al), seize the ships, and then make himself “King” of Virginia, the charges do seem a little extreme. Newport planned to execute Smith when the ships made landfall, but that plan didn’t work out for him.
“…Such factions here we had, as commonly attend such voyages, that a paire of gallowes was made, but Captain Smith, for whom they were intended, could not be persuaded to use them.”
– General History of Virginia, by Captain John Smith
Captain Smith had friends and supporters on board all three vessels. Once they were all united on land, Newport had to accept the fact that their opinions outnumbered his fears. Technically he could have carried out the execution, but that would not have played well back in London given the overwhelming number of voices claiming Smith’s innocence and demanding his release.
The last thing Newport needed was a genuine mutiny on his hands. He had 110 souls on board three ships. His fate and reputation depended upon him getting them safely to their destination without catastrophe or insurrection. He swallowed his pride and got on with business, hoping for a new day of reckoning with Smith. Smith remained under arrest for the remainder of the voyage. It’s unlikely that he remained a silent, cooperative prisoner.
Captain John Smith was a man you either loved or hated. There was no middle ground. Likewise, he was a man of strong opinions. He either determined you were valuable and worthy of his respect, or he dismissed you entirely. Sometimes his opinions and loyalties switched directions in a blink.
Robert Beheathland had a few things going for him that some of his fellow-colonists didn’t. The first was that Captain John Smith liked him.
It was simple luck that most likely put Robert on board the same ship (probably the Susan Constant) with Captain John Smith. He may have even been chosen (by Newport) to “tend” Smith (bring him food and water, check on him, etc.) when Smith was in chains in the ships hold. That would make sense given Robert’s youth and social station. Newport would have considered Robert a safe caretaker, someone who could not materially or physically assist the prisoner. Someone who would not have the fortitude to go against the true authority on board the vessel. He was a “gentleman” after all, and he knew his place in the pecking order. He knew as well what Smith’s was – or at least he should have known.
The other advantage that Robert Beheathland had over his companions was his youth. He was probably not more than fifteen years old when he boarded the ship that would carry him to Virginia. Because he was young his habits were not fixed; i.e. he had not grown as lazy and arrogant as some of his fellow “gentlemen”. In addition, his youth made him teachable and probably even eager under the right tutelage. Captain Smith provided a mentor the likes of which most of us can only dream of.
Consider it. You’re a boy of fifteen years old from the rural hinterlands of England, stuck on board a ship with forty grown men, the majority of whom are Londoners in lace sleeves and ruffled collars. You have just been given the assignment to spend time with the toughest, shrewdest, leanest, meanest, adventurer in English history. This man is swarthy, scarred, built like a fortress, and he has the most amazing stories to tell. You spend your time listening to his tales of outsmarting the Turks, whipping the Spaniards, surviving off the land across the wilderness of Russia. Who are you going to align yourself with? The lace cuffed captain and his lace cuffed friends? Or the multiple times, – hero in chains in the hold? You’re a fifteen year old boy who is stuck on a voyage to the edge of the world. It’s not a difficult decision. (I know who I’d choose.)
Newport accomplished his mission. He got the ships and his human cargo to Virginia. The fleet anchored in the broad river up the Chesapeake Bay on May 13, 1607. In a demonstration of loyalty to their king, they named the river “James”.
Captain Smith was still under considerable suspicion by his “betters” when the contents of the box containing the orders of the Virginia Company were finally unlocked and read aloud before the whole party of colonists. According to the rules outlined by the Company, Edward Maria Wingfield, (1550 – 1631) was named President of the infant colony. His appointment was an obvious one. First, he was a nobleman. Next and as important, he was one of the prime movers in the Virginia Company “showing great charge and industry”. He was one of the four incorporators of the London Virginia Company in the Virginia Charter of 1606 and one of its biggest financial backers. He recruited about forty of the 105 colonists, and was the only shareholder in the venture to sail with the expedition.
In the first election in the New World, he was elected by his peers as the President of the governing council for one year beginning May 13, 1607. Wingfield’s first decision as leader was the selection of the site of where the company would land and make their fortifications; the place that they would name “Jamestowne” in deference to their sovereign, James I.
Even in this early decision, Wingfield revealed his worthiness to lead such an adventure as inadequate. The site was low, swampy, and wet. The water supply was brackish and stagnant. The area was infested with mosquitoes and ticks, and the soil was inadequate for cultivation, being too thin, too salty, and too acidic to grow much of anything successfully except scrubs and marsh grasses. The benefits the site offered were a deep water landing for the ships (which were moored temporarily) and an excellent field of view of vessels approaching from the Chesapeake (Spanish) and from upriver (Indians). At least in this regard the site offered a reasonably good defensive position.
The orders from the Virginia Company complicated the politics of the new colony. John Smith’s name appeared second on the list of seven councilors appointed to govern the infant colony, just after that of Bartholemew Gosnold (Wingfield’s cousin, also a mover and shaker in the financing of the Virginia Company expedition.) Wingfield, a man of social and financial consequence, determined immediately to hate and distrust John Smith. He made the unilateral decision to exclude Smith from the crew of counselors who would govern Jamestown, going against the explicit instructions from the Virginia Company. Unfortunately for Wingfield, democracy was already starting to flower in the nascent colony. The colonists demanded Smith be freed from his arrest and restored to the governing council. The colonists won the day.
It’s not my goal here to recount the entire history of the Jamestown settlement. What is important to know is that Wingfieled failed (miserably) as a leader and was sent back to London to answer for his mismanagement (as well as a variety of trumped-up crimes.) Gosnold died within three months of landing in Virginia, and so shortly John Smith was made president of the colony. John Smith whipped the place into shape and probably saved the entire venture from collapse, and saved the colonists from starvation and eradication at the hands of the natives. He didn’t make a lot of friends however. The “Gentlemen” especially, grew to resent him because he enforced a “No work, no food” law which required every man to pull his weight, or starve.
At his right hand throughout the drama of politics of the colony, the intrigue and death-defying exploits amongst the native Indians, was, along with a few other hand selected followers Smith deemed worthy of supporting and protecting him, “Master Beheathland.”
“Master Beheathland” proved himself as a bodyguard and a skilled warrior on several occasions when the natives attempted to double-cross Smith and his companions. His name appears in the written accounts penned by Smith in reports to the Virginia Company, as well as in later recounting of his exploits in Virginia.
Of the 105 or so original colonists, most never intended to stay. The greatest number of the “gentlemen” believed they would come to Virginia, discover gold, make a fortune and return to England fabulously wealthy. In fact, the few men who actually returned to England got back broke, sick, disgruntled, and telling anyone who would listen what an absolute catastrophe the place was. Those were the lucky ones. Of the original 105 or so men that arrived at Jamestown, only 37 remained after the first year. The rest were leveled by disease, execution, and some were killed by the Indians.
Researchers have spent years pouring over the statistics and reports of this early settlement and have discovered that the men who spent weeks and months exploring the inland with John Smith, spending time with the natives and even dealing with violent attacks and weeks of sleeping outside, survived at a much higher rate than the people who stayed at Jamestown. They believe this is due to a healthier setting, fresh food, clean water, and exercise. The men who remained at Jamestown were prisoners to an infected and violent environment. Robert Beheathland was with Smith. This simple fact helped him live.
In Smith’s company he learned invaluable lessons on survival. He learned how to trade according to native Indian custom. He learned how and what to plant in order to eat, and what could be collected wild in the forest. He learned at least the rudiments of the native language and native customs. He learned how to survive outdoors in an inhospitable environment. He learned how to work hard, how to march, and how to sleep with one eye open. In essence, he learned how to live; while most of his peers at Jamestown only learned how to die in competitively spectacular and tragic ways.
At Jamestown they died from malaria, and starvation. They died by the gallows and execution. They died at the hands of their fellow colonists in blinding fits of frustrated rage, and in some cases – the worst of all during “The Starving Times” – they were eaten by their compatriots. Jamestown was a horrible place. It’s no wonder that Captain John Smith and his loyal band stayed far away for as long as they could. The native Indians, no matter how strange, were not as barbaric or desperate as their fellow Englishmen.
Gradually things did improve. Additional supply ships arrived; bringing victuals, tools, and eventually fresh colonists better suited to building a community in the wilderness. Among them were carpenters and smiths, foresters and farmers. Some women even began to arrive and this brought stability and a tremendous measure of civilization to the community.
It seems unlikely that Robert Beheathland married Mary (possibly named Nicholson), also believed to be of St. Endellion, Cornwall, before he left for Virginia. What’s more likely is that the two were at the very least acquainted – more likely close kin (cousins) – and that after he got established in Virginia he sent for her. We don’t know the date of their marriage or the place, but we do know that she arrived at Jamestown after 1608.
Mary Nicholson must have been made of as tough a substance as her husband Robert. In Virginia she gave her husband at least three children who survived into adulthood. These include; Mary, John and Dorothy. Dorothy, my direct ancestor, married Randall Crew (c.1604 – c1630), of Cheshire England, from whom my direct line descends.
In 1620 Robert Beheathland was back in England petitioning the Royal Council of England for a qualified governor for the colony in Virginia. In 1639, his son John was in Cornwall, fighting Ursula Beheathland (aunt by marriage to Anthony Beheathland, Robert’s brother, John’s uncle) for John’s portion of Richard Beheathland’s estate. He won in court (80 pounds), but John died en route to Virginia to reunite with his mother and family. John’s heir in his will (proved 1639) was his cousin Charles Beheathland (son of either George or Hugh Beheathland, brothers of his father Robert.)
Complicated stuff. Can you imagine traveling across an ocean for 80 pounds? Risking your life for it, as John did? I guess we need to take into account inflation rates. In the 17th century 80 pounds would have been worth about $15,000 today. While I may not risk life and limb for $15,000, I’d certainly think about it. In colonial Virginia $15,000 would buy an awful lot of land, tobacco seed, and labor to work it all to a profitable crop.
Robert Beheathland was deceased by 1628. By that time Mary was remarried to a Lieutenant Tomas Flint of Elizabeth City, when her name appeared in court records in regard to land she had inherited.
This is all we know of Robert Beheathland (c.1682 – c.1627) and his family, my earliest American ancestors.
 After the Reformation: Essays in Honor of J. H. Hexter, edited by Barbara C. Malament, Jack H. Hexter, (1980). Manchester, UK | Manchester University Press. (The Residential Development of the West End of London in the Seventeenth Century, By Lawrence Stone)
 Need to identify source for this. (Book published about 2005 along the lines of Big Chief Elizabeth/Milton, but focused on Elizabethan society.)
 The Plague and the Fire, By James Leasor, (2001). London | House of StratusI.
 Jamestown, the Buried Truth, By William M. Kelso, (2006) University of Virginia Press.
 A Discourse Concerning Western Planting Written in the Year 1584, By Richard Hakluyt, (Maine Historical Society Collections, Edited by Charles Deane.) (1831). Maine | Maine Historical Society.
 “A ruling council in England, composed of members of the joint-stock company who were usually merchants of great distinction, was formed immediately after King James I granted the charter of 1606. The councillors were appointed ostensibly by the king, but in reality were nominated by the membership, or more often, by the inner executive group of the company.”
The First Virginia Charter of 1606.
The Jamestown Voyages Under the First Charter, 1606-1609, Edited by Philip Barbour. (1969) Cambridge, MA | Cambridge University Press
Enterprise and Empire: Merchant and Gentry Investment in the Expansion of England, 1575-1630, By Theodore Rabb. (1967) Cambridge, MA | Harvard University Press.
 Captain John Smith: Writings with Other Narratives of Roanoke, Jamestown, and the First English Settlement of America, Edited by James P. Horn (2007) Library of America
 Sir Walter Raleigh: Being a True and Vivid Account of the Life and Times of the Explorer, Soldier, Scholar, Poet, and Courtier–The Controversial Hero of the Elizabethan Age, By Raleigh Trevelyan. (2004). Henry Holt and Co.
 Captain John Smith: Writings with Other Narratives of Roanoke, Jamestown, and the First English Settlement of America, Edited by James P. Horn (2007) Library of America
 Jamestown, the Buried Truth, By William M. Kelso, (2006) University of Virginia Press.
 Biography of Robert Beheathland, The Jamestowne Society
Other resources that helped form this article:
The Complete Works of Captain John Smith 1580, Edited by Philip Barbour
Virginia Gleanings in England, The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Volume 11, by The Virginia Historical Society
By Virginia Historical Society Vol XI, 1904,
Jamestown Society Newsletter, Vol 25 2, Oct 2001; Vol 26 2, Oct 2002
Narratives of Early Virginia 1606 1625, By Lyon G. Tyler (1907) New York |Charles Scribner’s Sons
Cavaliers and Pioneers Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants 1623 1800, By Nell Marion Nugent (1934) Richmond, VA | Press of the Dietz Printing Co.